40 years ago, the free trade union Solidarity was founded. A peaceful mass movement that brought the communist regime in Poland to its knees, making a major contribution to overcoming real socialism throughout Eastern Europe. Its legacy remains valid, especially in the face of the multiple crises of our times.
The crew of the Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk showed great courage by interrupting their work on 14 August 1980. In the communist 'working countries', strikes were forbidden, and speaking out against the policy of the authorities was not tolerated. Many of the strikers still remembered the workers' protests that had been bloody suppressed ten years earlier in Gdańsk and other cities on the Polish coast. They accounted for 41 dead, 1 164 wounded and more than 3 000 arrested.
Their demands deserve even more attention than the shipyard workers' decision to go on strike despite this bloody lesson. Their aim was not primarily to improve their own material situation, but rather to re-employ Anna Valentinovich, a fellow worker who worked to improve the disastrous working conditions in the shipyard, for which she was dismissed. Thus, the strike in the name of solidarity, the price of which could have been very high for those involved.
The fact that events did not turn into a violent incident this time, and that the protest was an historic success, was primarily the result of the support that the strikers experienced very quickly - and on a massive scale - at home and abroad.
On the very next day, 15 August, other factories in Gdańsk joined the Lenin Shipyard, announcing solidarity strikes. At the end of August, nearly 800 factories across the country went on strike with around 750 000 people. They made their own demands, but mainly declared their solidarity with Gdańsk.
The emerging solidarity movement was nevertheless put to a severe test as early as 16 August, when the authorities largely met the demands of the Lenin Shipyard. It was difficult for the leaders to persuade the crew to continue their strike until the demands of other factories were met. Thanks to this decision, the Lenin Shipyard remained, until the end of the wave of strikes, the main centre of events, and the strike leader there, Lech Wałęsa, became the leading figure of the whole movement.
In the following hours, the Interfactory Strike Committee, gathered at the Lenin Shipyard, formulated 21 demands, which were supported by all participating factories throughout Poland in solidarity. Some of these demands concerned financial and social issues, such as wage increases or improvements in the supply situation. However, the most striking were political demands: allowing independent trade unions, ensuring freedom of speech, releasing political prisoners, public participation in political decision-making processes ...
These demands were difficult for the authorities to accept, as meeting them would significantly weaken the position of the Communist Party. That is why the leadership of the USSR recommended that the Polish 'comrades' take vigorous measures, which they did not agree to; the mass nature of the protests made it difficult to apply a solution by force as much as the unfavourable - from the point of view of the Communist regime - international situation. After the armed intervention of the USSR in Afghanistan in 1979, the Eastern Bloc did not have a good press, and after the election of a Polish cardinal, Karol Wojtyła, as Pope in 1978, Poland enjoyed particular worldwide attention. This is why the wave of protests immediately aroused great interest in the West, and many countries began to send out expressions of solidarity to the strikers.
The Communist regime therefore decided to hold talks, hoping that it would be able to eject inexperienced workers through skilful negotiating strategies. This proved difficult, because the strikers received support from representatives of the Polish intelligentsia. Strike committees throughout the country began to be advised by numerous experts, and advisors to Gdańsk included Tadeusz Mazowiecki and Bronisław Geremek, who later, in free Poland, took up the post of Prime Minister and Foreign Minister.
On 27 August, the Conference of the Polish Bishops' Council supported the right of workers to free trade unions. The authorities finally step down - four days later, in Gdańsk, they concluded an agreement with the strikers, which, together with similar documents signed in Szczecin and Upper Silesia, made up the so-called August agreements. In them, the rulers undertook to meet the strikers' demands to a large extent. In return, they received an assurance that the new free trade union would not undermine the leadership role of the Communist Party in the country.
What followed was the so-called 'Solidarity Carnival', a period of relative freedom that people in other Eastern Bloc countries could only dream of. The products of culture, which had previously been banned by state censorship, could now appear, scientific and social debates were held in an almost limitless manner, and many civic initiatives began to emerge in a short time.
This would sooner or later have led to the full democratisation of Poland, and so the regime decided in the end to force a solution; in December 1981 it imposed martial law, arresting the Solidarity leaders and brutally suppressing all protests.
The erosion of the system could only be slowed down in this way, however. Society has awakened. The authorities were also confused, all the more so because they could not resist the deepening economic crisis very much. After the country was shaken by new waves of strikes in 1988, the regime invited the leaders of Solidarity, banned in 1981, to dialogue on the future. As a result, on 4 June 1989, the first partially free parliamentary elections were held, which initiated the final collapse of real socialism in Poland.
Solidarity has been winging and inspiring the human rights and democracy movements in other Eastern Bloc countries, including the GDR. In this way, it influenced the course of events not only in Poland, but also in the whole east of the continent. It was not only about the successes of the social movement in confronting the overwhelming regime, but also about the extraordinary qualities that make it so.
The principle of solidarity characterised the movement to such an extent that the Catholic philosopher, Father Józef Tischner, in referring to Jesus' parable of the merciful Samaritan, described it as a 'community of new Samaritans'. The fact that people who were indoctrinated and intimidated by decades of being bullied proved capable of taking such a brave and selfless attitude was for Father Tischner a proof of the existence of universal human dignity and goodness.
The movement remained - and it was a certain continuity - peaceful and value-oriented. It resisted the temptation to settle down with its oppressors and instead focused its attention on building a constructive future. Even after the brutal trade union breakdown and the drastic crimes committed against its individual members, the protests remained peaceful. The Solidarity members responded to the experience of their own suffering with the biblical message 'Do not let evil overcome, but overcome evil with good'.
Although the movement had a desire for freedom and self-determination, it did not succumb to naïve radicalism, but remained faithful to a sober strategy of realistic goals and small steps. The sociologist Jadwiga Staniszkis later called this phenomenon a "self-limiting revolution". This strategy was a testament to the maturity and discipline of the Solidarity members.
The movement was so focused on dialogue, compromises and a fair attitude towards the opponent. After signing the August agreements in 1980, Lech Wałęsa emphasised: "We ended our dispute without the use of force, through dialogue and persuasion. We showed that Poles can always communicate with each other if they wish. So it is a success for both sides". Martial law in December 1981 showed how good will and willingness to agree can be punished by a ruthless opponent, but ultimately the bloodless transformation of the political system in 1989 confirmed the advantages of the option of opting for dialogue and agreement.
Nationalists, conservatives, liberals and leftists, Christians of various faiths, Jews and atheists were all in the movement, and Solidarity was open even to members of the Communist Party. All of them were able to define common goals and strive for their realisation in solidarity, as they were aware that the great challenges demanded joint action. In this sense, Solidarity was a confirmation of the fact that, despite all differences, cooperation is possible if those taking part in it treat each other with respect and with a readiness to compromise.
One more thing: the leaders did not use the mass nature of Solidarity to strengthen their own position on the basis of the popularity they enjoyed among the masses of people, but they respected the nature of the movement's basic democracy, which gave its members wide margin for action. Solidarity has thus become a school of civil responsibility; many people have found their way from passive impotence to active participation.
The option in favour of solidarity, dialogue and readiness to compromise, in favour of cooperation across all divisions, active civil society and a good balance between idealism and realism - this is the legacy of Solidarity and it is surprisingly topical today. It can become an important signpost, both in the face of global challenges such as hunger, climate change and migration, and also in the context of the crisis of liberal democracy, manifested in populism, the growing polarisation of society, the refusal of dialogue and the lack of civil involvement.
Dr Robert Żurek - Member of the Board, Managing Director of the Krzyżowa Foundation for Mutual Understanding in Europe
